Gaunt and His Countrymen
Kevin Seger
In Act II scene I of Richard II, Shakespeare's John of Gaunt, delivers a speech wrought with nostalgia, poetically defining England as “this sceptered isle / This earth of majesty, this seat of mars” (II.i.45-46). But was this an accurate representation of Gaunt's views? We know that when Richard II was crowned in 1377, no official regency was declared despite the fact that the king was only ten years old. Richard’s mother, Joan of Kent, acted as his legal guardian and government affairs were handled by a council of twelve members. Nevertheless, there was never any doubt among the people where the real power lay. John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster, occupied a position in the kingdom unlike any other.
In The Lancastrian Affinity, Simon Walker explains that Gaunt’s lands were said to extend over one-third of the country and that he also kept his own private army (9-12). We also learn from Norwich that his Palace of the Savoy on the Thames was more impressive than anything his nephew possessed (Shakespeare’s Kings, 56). His wife at this time was Infanta Constance of Castille, daughter of King Peter of Castille, giving him claim to the Castilian throne. In truth, Gaunt was so powerful that it’s probable he would have been able take the throne had he wanted it. He had the birthright as Edward III’s eldest surviving son, the wisdom of many years at court and more than enough of money. Nevertheless, he remained a loyal subject.
However, this did not mean that relations between Gaunt and his royal nephew were pleasant. In fact, Gaunt was not very well liked at all by Richard II or his fellow countrymen. With his father and elder brother dead, many people blamed Gaunt for the decline of English wealth over the previous decade. Indeed, he is not the wise old man depicted in Shakespeare. Still, he was able to remain the most powerful figure in the kingdom, but that did not mean he was untouchable.
Several months later, just before Richard’s coronation in 1377, for example, Gaunt was unable to shield his protégé, John Wycliffe, from being summoned to appear before the ‘bench of bishops’ on charges of heresy (Norwich, 57). Gaunt took this summons personally. On the day of the trial, Gaunt showed up with his entire personal guard, making it clear that he had no intention of letting the trial take place.
After a shouting match with Bishop William Courtenay, the processions ended in confusion, but not before Gaunt had a chance to threaten the city with martial law. However, Courtenay and his fellow bishops had no trouble in stirring up the Londoners at this threat of civil liberties. A mob of several thousand besieged Gaunt’s palace and, according to Holinshed, they “suerlie set fire on the dukes house at the Sauoie…[and] caused his armes in the publike stréet to be reuersed as if he had béene a traitor, or some notorious offendor” (412). Gaunt escaped by seeking refuge with his sister-in-law in Kensington. After this incident, it became clear to Gaunt that he was unwelcome in England and thus he set his sights on Castille.
His opportunity to pursue the throne arose when Don Enrique Trastamara, the Castilian King, died in 1379. When Parliament assembled in the spring of 1382, Gaunt appeared before the commons to request a guarantee for a loan to equip an army but was rejected. Gaunt was unhappy with this result, but in October 1382 the Bishop of Hereford suggested that crusade be mounted on the new King of Castille, who had allied himself with Pope Clement VII. It appeared that Gaunt was to have his way after all. Unfortunately for Gaunt, it was at this exact moment that a French army invaded Flanders and Gaunt’s plans were forgotten. Instead, a crusading force was sent into France being led by Henry Depenser.
We learn from Norwich that this crusade is an utter failure, which forces Gaunt to bide his time “with the quiet diplomacy at which he excelled, first in Flanders…with Charles VI, and later once again in Scotland” (77).
Over the next twelve years, Gaunt would remain a prominent and successful figure in the government but would never realize his dream of sitting on the Castilian throne. He died on February 3, 1399 at the age of sixty. At this point, Richard II seized all of Gaunt’s land and divided it up amongst his chief supporters. It was this action that allowed Gaunt’s son, Henry Bolingbroke, to gain the support needed to overthrow Richard.
In The Lancastrian Affinity, Simon Walker explains that Gaunt’s lands were said to extend over one-third of the country and that he also kept his own private army (9-12). We also learn from Norwich that his Palace of the Savoy on the Thames was more impressive than anything his nephew possessed (Shakespeare’s Kings, 56). His wife at this time was Infanta Constance of Castille, daughter of King Peter of Castille, giving him claim to the Castilian throne. In truth, Gaunt was so powerful that it’s probable he would have been able take the throne had he wanted it. He had the birthright as Edward III’s eldest surviving son, the wisdom of many years at court and more than enough of money. Nevertheless, he remained a loyal subject.
However, this did not mean that relations between Gaunt and his royal nephew were pleasant. In fact, Gaunt was not very well liked at all by Richard II or his fellow countrymen. With his father and elder brother dead, many people blamed Gaunt for the decline of English wealth over the previous decade. Indeed, he is not the wise old man depicted in Shakespeare. Still, he was able to remain the most powerful figure in the kingdom, but that did not mean he was untouchable.
Several months later, just before Richard’s coronation in 1377, for example, Gaunt was unable to shield his protégé, John Wycliffe, from being summoned to appear before the ‘bench of bishops’ on charges of heresy (Norwich, 57). Gaunt took this summons personally. On the day of the trial, Gaunt showed up with his entire personal guard, making it clear that he had no intention of letting the trial take place.
After a shouting match with Bishop William Courtenay, the processions ended in confusion, but not before Gaunt had a chance to threaten the city with martial law. However, Courtenay and his fellow bishops had no trouble in stirring up the Londoners at this threat of civil liberties. A mob of several thousand besieged Gaunt’s palace and, according to Holinshed, they “suerlie set fire on the dukes house at the Sauoie…[and] caused his armes in the publike stréet to be reuersed as if he had béene a traitor, or some notorious offendor” (412). Gaunt escaped by seeking refuge with his sister-in-law in Kensington. After this incident, it became clear to Gaunt that he was unwelcome in England and thus he set his sights on Castille.
His opportunity to pursue the throne arose when Don Enrique Trastamara, the Castilian King, died in 1379. When Parliament assembled in the spring of 1382, Gaunt appeared before the commons to request a guarantee for a loan to equip an army but was rejected. Gaunt was unhappy with this result, but in October 1382 the Bishop of Hereford suggested that crusade be mounted on the new King of Castille, who had allied himself with Pope Clement VII. It appeared that Gaunt was to have his way after all. Unfortunately for Gaunt, it was at this exact moment that a French army invaded Flanders and Gaunt’s plans were forgotten. Instead, a crusading force was sent into France being led by Henry Depenser.
We learn from Norwich that this crusade is an utter failure, which forces Gaunt to bide his time “with the quiet diplomacy at which he excelled, first in Flanders…with Charles VI, and later once again in Scotland” (77).
Over the next twelve years, Gaunt would remain a prominent and successful figure in the government but would never realize his dream of sitting on the Castilian throne. He died on February 3, 1399 at the age of sixty. At this point, Richard II seized all of Gaunt’s land and divided it up amongst his chief supporters. It was this action that allowed Gaunt’s son, Henry Bolingbroke, to gain the support needed to overthrow Richard.